{"id":22381,"date":"2025-12-03T09:00:00","date_gmt":"2025-12-03T08:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.11onze.cat\/?p=22381"},"modified":"2025-11-17T15:48:40","modified_gmt":"2025-11-17T14:48:40","slug":"constitution-explain-spain","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.11onze.cat\/en\/magazine\/constitution-explain-spain\/","title":{"rendered":"Does the Constitution explain what Spain is?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Des de fa temps, la hist\u00f2ria ens retorna a un vell debat encara no resolt: qu\u00e8 \u00e9s ben b\u00e9 Espanya? Una pregunta dif\u00edcil que han hagut d\u2019afrontar un grapat de generacions. Pel cam\u00ed hi ha hagut tota meva de debats, promeses, triomfs i derrotes. I, malgrat tot, encara estem lluny de trobar una resposta.\u00a0<\/b><\/h3>\n

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Despr\u00e9s de la llarga nit franquista, a Espanya se li van plantejar nous reptes a partir de 1975. L\u2019Estat havia de trobar l\u2019equilibri entre la reforma que proposava el govern franquista i la ruptura que demanava part de l\u2019oposici\u00f3. <\/span>La soluci\u00f3 pactada va ser la de transitar plegats cap a un nou r\u00e8gim fonamentat en una nova Carta Magna<\/b>. La Constituci\u00f3 espanyola de 1978 es va dividir en deu t\u00edtols i 169 articles. Al text, el terme \u201cnaci\u00f3\u201d apareix tan sols en dues ocasions, mentre que el terme \u201cEstat\u201d cont\u00e9 90 entrades.<\/span><\/p>\n

La primera i m\u00e9s important menci\u00f3 a la \u201cnaci\u00f3\u201d \u00e9s la que obre el Pre\u00e0mbul. \u201cLa naci\u00f3 espanyola, desitjant establir la just\u00edcia, la llibertat i la seguretat i promoure el b\u00e9 de tots els que la integren, fent \u00fas de la seva sobirania…\u201d, <\/span>comen\u00e7a el text fundacional, tal com si la mateixa naci\u00f3 redact\u00e9s el que s\u2019hi llegir\u00e0<\/b>. M\u00e9s endavant, aquesta \u201cnaci\u00f3\u201d autoproclamada expressa la voluntat de \u201cconstituir-se en un Estat social i democr\u00e0tic de dret\u201d, el qual desplegar\u00e0 tots els seus \u00f2rgans i funcions.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

La \u201cnaci\u00f3\u201d, objecte de litigi<\/b><\/h3>\n

Segons sembla, l\u2019al\u00b7lusi\u00f3 a \u201cels que la integren\u201d es refereix als individus. En efecte, l\u2019article 2 fonamenta la Constituci\u00f3 en \u201c<\/span>la indissoluble unitat de la naci\u00f3 espanyola, p\u00e0tria comuna i indivisible de tots els espanyols<\/b>\u201d, la qual \u201creconeix i garanteix el dret a l\u2019autonomia de les nacionalitats i les regions que la integren i la solidaritat entre totes elles\u201d. Justament aquest article \u00e9s objecte de continu litigi.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Aquest fam\u00f3s article 2, en realitat, sembla que ens est\u00e0 dient que <\/span>no s\u00f3n els individus els qui decideixen o desitgen una cosa, sin\u00f3 que \u00e9s la naci\u00f3. Perqu\u00e8 la naci\u00f3 \u00e9s qui ostenta la sobirania<\/b>, no el poble. I qui anuncia aquesta proclamaci\u00f3 de la sobirania tampoc \u00e9s el poble, sin\u00f3 que est\u00e0 personificada en la figura del Rei d\u2019Espanya. Per tant, tot all\u00f2 que integra la naci\u00f3 resulta conf\u00fas.<\/span><\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cN<\/strong>o s\u00f3n els individus els qui decideixen o desitgen una cosa, sin\u00f3 que \u00e9s la naci\u00f3. Perqu\u00e8 la naci\u00f3 \u00e9s qui ostenta la sobirania del pobl<\/b>e, no el poble<\/strong>.\u201d<\/b><\/p>\n\n Oriol Garcia Farr\u00e9, Agent d’11Onze<\/span>\n <\/blockquote>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>

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El regne de les \u201cnacionalitats\u201d<\/b><\/h3>\n

Certament, <\/span>l\u2019al\u00b7lusi\u00f3 a les nacionalitats i a les regions apunta a la vella idea de la divisi\u00f3 territorial del regne<\/b>. Aquesta paraula \u2014\u201cregne\u201d\u2014 no s\u2019esmenta enlloc a la Constituci\u00f3. Cosa estranya, at\u00e8s que Espanya es configura, en la seva forma, com a regne. Regne d\u2019Espanya, en singular. Per\u00f2 aleshores, qu\u00e8 s\u00f3n les nacionalitats? Qu\u00e8 amaga el terme per referir-se a aquestes entitats org\u00e0niques etnoculturals?<\/span><\/p>\n

Sembla evident que es tracta d\u2019un expedient p\u00fadic per al\u00b7ludir, sense anomenar-los, als antics regnes d\u2019Hisp\u00e0nia<\/b>, a part de Castella, formats per: Catalunya, Val\u00e8ncia, Mallorca, Arag\u00f3, Navarra, Gal\u00edcia, el Pa\u00eds Basc, Andalusia (i Portugal). Per tant, quin \u00e9s el sentit i quina \u00e9s la funci\u00f3 de les nacionalitats i de les regions? Impossible saber-ho, ja que aquests conceptes no tornen a apar\u00e8ixer en tot el redactat de la Constituci\u00f3.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Tot gira entorn de la \u201creconquesta\u201d<\/b><\/h3>\n

Contra el discurs repetit com un mantra dins del sistema escolar franquista, <\/span>l\u2019aprenentatge d\u2019Espanya es va articular en funci\u00f3 del concepte de \u201creconquesta<\/b>\u201d. Es tracta d\u2019un terme historiogr\u00e0fic \u2014emprat encara en els curr\u00edculums de secund\u00e0ria de Castella\u2014 que descriu el proc\u00e9s de recuperaci\u00f3 del m\u00f3n feudal per sobre del m\u00f3n musulm\u00e0 i jueu, perqu\u00e8 s\u2019ent\u00e9n que els musulmans no eren els leg\u00edtims propietaris de la geografia hisp\u00e0nica…<\/span><\/p>\n

Aquest proc\u00e9s va arrencar poc despr\u00e9s de l\u2019arribada dels \u00e0rabs a la pen\u00ednsula Ib\u00e8rica al segle VIII i va finalitzar amb els Reis Cat\u00f2lics al segle XV, els quals acabarien unificant \u201cEspanya\u201d com un Estat integral. <\/span>Aquesta Reconquesta acabaria forjant \u201cl\u2019esperit espanyol\u201d.<\/b> O sigui, arguments hist\u00f2rics per justificar el nacionalcatolicisme imposat despr\u00e9s de la Guerra Civil.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tanmateix, no sembla que hagi existit mai \u2018de facto\u2019 una \u201cnaci\u00f3 espanyola\u201d, \u00e9s a dir, integradora de nacionalitats i regions<\/b>, com ens vol fer creure la Constituci\u00f3 actual. Ni tan sols \u00e9s segur que s\u2019hagi consolidat mai com a Estat-naci\u00f3, en el sentit modern. Ho veiem a continuaci\u00f3!<\/span><\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cNo sembla que hagi existit mai \u2018de facto\u2019 una \u2018naci\u00f3 espanyola\u2019, \u00e9s a dir, integradora de nacionalitats i regions, com ens vol fer creure la Constituci\u00f3 actual\u201d<\/b><\/p>\n\n Oriol Garcia Farr\u00e9, Agent d’11Onze<\/span>\n <\/blockquote>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>

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De la confederaci\u00f3 a l\u2019absolutisme<\/b><\/h3>\n

L\u2019Estat din\u00e0stic, iniciat pels Reis Cat\u00f2lics, com hem dit, va acabar esdevenint un Estat absolutista<\/b>. Abans de ser-ho, havia hagut de restringir el poder de la noblesa, for\u00e7ar l\u2019adscripci\u00f3 a la religi\u00f3 cat\u00f2lica i cohesionar tot el poder en una devoci\u00f3 lleial al Rei. En contra del que pensen alguns, la llengua va restar al marge d\u2019aquest esquema de poder. Per tant, no va ser mai un element unificador fins a principis del XVIII, encara que el franquisme intent\u00e9s falsejar la hist\u00f2ria una vegada m\u00e9s.<\/span><\/p>\n

El poder es va anar organitzant al voltant de cinc Consells d\u2019Estat: Castella, Arag\u00f3, It\u00e0lia, els Pa\u00efsos Baixos, Portugal (1580-1640) i les \u00cdndies Occidentals. Per tant, <\/span>els diferents territoris que configuraven la geografia de la Corona d\u2019Hispaniae \u2014plural d\u2019Hisp\u00e0nia\u2014 mantenien l\u2019administraci\u00f3, la moneda i les lleis pr\u00f2pies<\/b>. En aquest sentit, es tractaria d\u2019una mena confederaci\u00f3 de nacionalitats, les quals conservaven les seves peculiaritats, furs i tradicions.<\/span><\/p>\n

El predomini de Castella (que aglutinava Gal\u00edcia, Ast\u00faries i Lle\u00f3) sobre els altres regnes existents de la pen\u00ednsula Ib\u00e8rica cada vegada va ser m\u00e9s evident,<\/b> per extensi\u00f3 i poblaci\u00f3 i, sobretot, despr\u00e9s d\u2019incorporar les \u00cdndies Occidentals al regne castell\u00e0, que ho va fer a t\u00edtol de \u201cdescobriment\u201d, amb tot el que va significar. D\u2019aquesta manera, la progressiva translaci\u00f3 de l\u2019economia del mediterrani cap a l\u2019atl\u00e0ntic va comportar un canvi de paradigma en les relacions entre els diferents territoris que configuraven la Corona Hisp\u00e0nica.<\/span><\/p>\n

Aquesta pluralitat, no sense sobresalts, <\/span>va anar derivant cap a una major centralitzaci\u00f3 del poder<\/b>. Per\u00f2 el salt definitiu va ser despr\u00e9s de la guerra de Successi\u00f3 i la subseg\u00fcent entronitzaci\u00f3 de la dinastia borb\u00f2nica al tron castell\u00e0. Entre 1707 i 1716, el nou rei Felip V va anar promulgant els coneguts Decrets de Nova Planta pels diferents territoris de la corona d\u2019Arag\u00f3 com a c\u00e0stig per la seva rebel\u00b7li\u00f3 i com a dret de conquesta. En canvi, aquesta p\u00e8rdua d\u2019autonomia no va afectar mai ni Navarra ni les Prov\u00edncies Basques, at\u00e8s que aquests territoris havien estat fidels a la causa borb\u00f2nica.<\/span><\/p>\n

Va ser llavors quan <\/span>Castella es va transformar en l\u2019Espanya borb\u00f2nica: una monarquia absoluta i fortament centralitzada<\/b>. Prova d\u2019aquest proc\u00e9s, Felip V escrivia el 1717: \u201cHe jutjat per convenient [\u2026] reduir tots els meus Regnes d\u2019Espanya a la uniformitat d\u2019unes mateixes lleis, usos, costums i tribunals, governant-se tots igualment per les lleis de Castella\u201d. Aix\u00ed, com a resultat d\u2019una repressi\u00f3 i per dret de conquesta, una Espanya castellanitzada per for\u00e7a es comen\u00e7a a configurar com un modern Estat (d\u2019importaci\u00f3 francesa) nacional (d\u2019exportaci\u00f3 castellana). Naturalment, la il\u00b7lusi\u00f3 va durar ben poc.<\/span><\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cDe les nou constitucions espanyoles contempor\u00e0nies, totes tenen en com\u00fa una mateixa afirmaci\u00f3: s\u00f3n una constituci\u00f3 de la monarquia i de confessi\u00f3 cat\u00f2lica\u201d<\/b><\/p>\n\n Oriol Garcia Farr\u00e9, Agent d’11Onze<\/span>\n <\/blockquote>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>

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La il\u00b7lusi\u00f3 fallida de la \u201crep\u00fablica federativa\u201d<\/b><\/h3>\n

L\u2019il\u00b7lustrat i escriptor <\/span>Jos\u00e9 Marchena<\/b> (1769-1821), exiliat a Baiona per escapar de la Inquisici\u00f3, va escriure el 1792 un revelador informe per Jacques Pierre Brissot, un girond\u00ed i ministre d\u2019assumptes exteriors de la Rep\u00fablica Francesa, sobre les dificultats d\u2019implantar a Espanya una constituci\u00f3 semblant a la francesa del 1791. Les seves paraules s\u00f3n for\u00e7a reveladores: \u201cFran\u00e7a ha adoptat ara una constituci\u00f3 que fa d\u2019aquesta vasta naci\u00f3 una rep\u00fablica unida i indivisible. Per\u00f2 a Espanya, les diverses prov\u00edncies de les quals tenen costums i usos molt diferents i a la qual s\u2019hi ha d\u2019unir Portugal, <\/span>nom\u00e9s hauria de poder-se formar una rep\u00fablica federativa<\/b>\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

En un sentit similar, el 1808, a Cadis, el c\u00e8lebre pol\u00edtic giron\u00ed, Antoni de Campmany va escriure, tot just comen\u00e7ada la Guerra del Franc\u00e8s, en la famosa publicaci\u00f3 \u2018El Sentinella\u2019: \u201c… A Fran\u00e7a, doncs, no hi ha prov\u00edncies ni nacions; no hi ha Proven\u00e7a ni proven\u00e7als; ni Normandia ni normands. Tots s\u2019esborraren del mapa dels seus territoris i fins i tot els seus noms [\u2026]. Tots es diuen francesos\u201d. I m\u00e9s endavant detalla: \u201cLlavors, qu\u00e8 seria ja dels espanyols si no hi hagu\u00e9s hagut Aragonesos, Valencians, Murcians, Andalusos, Asturians, Gallecs, Extremenys, Catalans, Castellans? <\/span>Cadascun d\u2019aquests noms inflama l\u2019orgull d\u2019aquestes petites nacions, les quals configuren la gran naci\u00f3<\/b>\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

D\u00e8cada rere d\u00e8cada, de les nou constitucions espanyoles redactades durant l\u2019edat contempor\u00e0nia (1812-1978), totes tenen en com\u00fa \u2014amb petits matisos\u2014, una mateixa afirmaci\u00f3: <\/span>s\u00f3n una constituci\u00f3 de la monarquia i de confessi\u00f3 cat\u00f2lica, la religi\u00f3 del Rei i de la naci\u00f3<\/b>. Per tant, la unitat de la naci\u00f3 \u00e9s la unitat de la monarquia.<\/span><\/p>\n

Existeix, doncs, una naci\u00f3 de nacions?<\/b><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

11Onze \u00e9s la fintech comunit\u00e0ria de Catalunya. Obre un compte descarregant l’app El Canut per <\/b>Android<\/b><\/a> o <\/b>iOS<\/b><\/a>. Uneix-te a la revoluci\u00f3!<\/b><\/p>\n\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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